2015, ISBN: 9781138538450

Taschenbuch, Gebundene Ausgabe, Erstausgabe

New York : Alpine, 1981. First Edition. Hardback. 1st American edition. Fine cloth copy in a very good, slightly edge-nicked and dust-dulled dw, now mylar-sleeved. Remains particularly a… Mehr…

New York : Alpine, 1981. First Edition. Hardback. 1st American edition. Fine cloth copy in a very good, slightly edge-nicked and dust-dulled dw, now mylar-sleeved. Remains particularly and surprisingly well-preserved overall; tight, bright, clean and strong. Previous owner's inscription to half-title.; 8vo 8"" - 9"" tall; 327 pages; Description: 327 pages : color illustrations ; 41 cm. Contents: Primitive art in the modern world / Ivan Sedej -- Toward a theory of primitive art / Grgo Gamulin -- The primitive consciousness / Manfred de la Motte and Georges Schmidt -- Henri Rousseau / Pamela T. Barr -- France / Dimitrije Basicevic -- Austria / Tomislav Sola -- Belgium / Tomislav Sola -- Czechoslovakia / Grgo Gamulin -- England and Great Britain / Sheldon Williams -- Germany / Thomas Grochowiak -- Greece / Grgo Gamulin -- Hungary / Domonkos Moldovan -- Italy / Palma Buccarelli and Dino Menuzzi -- Netherlands / Renilde Hammacher van den Brande -- Poland / Aleksander Jackovski -- Romania / Romanian Ministry of Culture -- Sweden / Tomislav Sola -- Switzerland / Tomislav Sola -- USSR / Shalva Amiranashvili -- Yugoslavia / Boris Kelemen -- United States of America / Ivana Spalatin -- South America / Tomislav Sola -- Haiti / Sheldon Williams -- Bali / Aleksander Bassin -- Israel / Tomislav Sola -- China / Aleksander Bassin -- Japan / Aleksander Bassin -- Csontvary / Grgo Gamulin. Subjects: Primitivism in art -- Painting, Modern -- 19th century -- 20th century., New York : Alpine, 1981, 0, New York : Alpine, 1981. First Edition. Hardback. Fine cloth copy in a near-fine, very slightly edge-nicked and dust-dulled dw, now mylar-sleeved. Remains particularly and surprisingly well-preserved overall; tight, bright, clean and strong.; 8vo 8"" - 9"" tall; 327 pages; 1st American edition. Description: 327 pages : color illustrations ; 41 cm. Contents: Primitive art in the modern world / Ivan Sedej -- Toward a theory of primitive art / Grgo Gamulin -- The primitive consciousness / Manfred de la Motte and Georges Schmidt -- Henri Rousseau / Pamela T. Barr -- France / Dimitrije Basicevic -- Austria / Tomislav Sola -- Belgium / Tomislav Sola -- Czechoslovakia / Grgo Gamulin -- England and Great Britain / Sheldon Williams -- Germany / Thomas Grochowiak -- Greece / Grgo Gamulin -- Hungary / Domonkos Moldovan -- Italy / Palma Buccarelli and Dino Menuzzi -- Netherlands / Renilde Hammacher van den Brande -- Poland / Aleksander Jackovski -- Romania / Romanian Ministry of Culture -- Sweden / Tomislav Sola -- Switzerland / Tomislav Sola -- USSR / Shalva Amiranashvili -- Yugoslavia / Boris Kelemen -- United States of America / Ivana Spalatin -- South America / Tomislav Sola -- Haiti / Sheldon Williams -- Bali / Aleksander Bassin -- Israel / Tomislav Sola -- China / Aleksander Bassin -- Japan / Aleksander Bassin -- Csontvary / Grgo Gamulin. Subjects: Primitivism in art -- Painting, Modern -- 19th century -- 20th century., New York : Alpine, 1981, 0, University of Michigan Press, 2008-02-21. Paperback. New. New. In shrink wrap. Looks like an interesting title!, University of Michigan Press, 2008-02-21, 6, Los Angeles: Los Angeles Olympic Organizing. Very Good with no dust jacket. 1985. First Edition. Hardcover. Color Illustrations; 888 pages; Width: 11.25" Height: 16". Vol I only. The 1984 Summer Olympics, officially known as the Games of the XXIII Olympiad, was an international multi-sport event held in Los Angeles, California, United States in 1984. When Tehran, the only other interested city on the international level, declined to bid due to the concurrent Iranian political and social changes, the IOC awarded Los Angeles the Games by default. This was the second occasion Los Angeles hosted the games; it previously hosted in 1932. In response to the American-led boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, 14 Eastern Bloc countries, including the Soviet Union, Cuba and East Germany, boycotted the Games; only Romania elected to attend. For differing reasons, Iran and Libya also boycotted. The USSR announced its intention not to participate on May 8, 1984, citing security concerns and "chauvinistic sentiments and an anti-Soviet hysteria being whipped up in the United States." Boycotting countries organized another large event in June–September 1984, called the Friendship Games; however, not even a single competition was held between July 28 and August 12. Representatives of the organizing countries, the Soviets in particular, underlined it was "not held to replace the Olympics." Elite athletes from the U. S. And USSR would only compete against each other at the 1986 Goodwill Games in Moscow, organized in response to the boycotts. Where ambitious construction for the 1976 games in Montreal and 1980 games in Moscow had saddled organizers with expenses greatly in excess of revenues, Los Angeles strictly controlled expenses by using existing facilities except a swim stadium and a velodrome that were paid for by corporate sponsors. The Olympic Committee led by Peter Ueberroth used some of the profits to endow the LA84 Foundation to promote youth sports in Southern California, educate coaches and maintain a sports library. The 1984 Summer Olympics are often considered the most financially successful modern Olympics. The host state of California was the home state of U. S. President Ronald Reagan, who officially opened the Games. He had served as Governor of California from 1967 to 1975. The official mascot of the Los Angeles Games was Sam the Olympic Eagle. The logo of the games featured five blue, white and red stars arranged horizontally and struck through with alternating streaks; it was named "Stars in Motion." On July 18, 2009, a 25th anniversary celebration was held in the main stadium. This celebration included a speech by the former president of the Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee, Peter Ueberroth, and a re-creation of the lighting of the cauldron. (Information courtesy of Wikipedia) Condition / Notes: This is the first volume of a two-volume edition. This volume is devoted to questions of organization and planning. This massive folio is bound in purple cloth, with stamped white and yellow lettering to the spine, white lettering and Olympic logo in yellow. The book shows external wear, with light soiling to the covers. The binding is firm. The interior is clean and bright. This work is profusely illustrated with color photos, diagrams, (fold-out) maps, and plans. Provenance- it should be noted that this book is from the library of Olympic Committee Chair Robert Kane. ., Los Angeles Olympic Organizing, 1985, 3, Moscow: Academy of Sciences, USSR, 1951. Presumed First Edition, First printing --1 of 3,000. Hardcover. Good. Text is in Russian. Errata slip bound in at back. Quality control slip laid in. Translation of contents include: Prices in Agriculture; Prices on Cattle, Prices on Industrial Goods, Salt Prices, Prices on Handicrafts, and Prices on Textiles. There are numerous tables. Footnotes. This work apparently was translated into French and published in that language in 1957. Gilt lettering on front cover and spine. From general discussions of 16th century economic conditions: The thesis that long-term price movements in medieval and early modern periods were the results of changes in the supply of precious metals has been questioned by a number of historians who believe that fluctuations in population provide a more fundamental explanation. These men point out that if changes in the supply of money were primarily responsible, the secular rise and fall of prices would have been approximately the same for all commodities. Actually, agricultural prices rose and fell faster and more sharply than did the prices of industrial goods. It is claimed that these price changes and the lack of synchronization between them can be satisfactorily explained by changes in the size of population. n historical accounts, the glamour of the overseas discoveries tends to overshadow the intensification of exchanges within the continent. Intensified exchanges led to the formation of large integrated markets for at least some commodities. Differences in the price of wheat in the various European regions leveled out as the century progressed, and prices everywhere tended to fluctuate in the same direction. The similar price movements over large areas mark the emergence of a single integrated market in cereals. Certain regions came to specialize in wheat production and to sell their harvests to distant consumers. In particular, the lands of the Vistula basin, southern Poland, and Ruthenia (western Ukraine) became regular suppliers of grain to Flanders, Holland, western Germany, and, in years of poor harvests, even England and Spain. In times of famine, Italian states also imported cereals from the far-off Baltic breadbasket. From about 1520, Hungary emerged as a principal supplier of livestock to Austria, southern Germany, and northern Italy. Changes in price levels in the 16th century profoundly affected every economic sector, but in ways that are disputed. The period witnessed a general inflation, known traditionally as the "price revolution."., Academy of Sciences, USSR, 1951, 2.5, Paperback / softback. New. What did the cosmetic practices of middle-class women in the nineteenth century have in common with the repair of men's bodies mutilated in war? Conceived as a cultural history, this book examines the history of artificially created beauty in Germany from the late Enlightenment to the early days of National Socialist rule., 6, Hardback. New. What did the cosmetic practices of middle-class women in the nineteenth century have in common with the repair of men's bodies mutilated in war? Conceived as a cultural history, this book examines the history of artificially created beauty in Germany from the late Enlightenment to the early days of National Socialist rule., 6, Urbana IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999. First paperback edition. Trade Paperback. Very good. Octavo (standard size). Slight wear to edges and corners of covers. 358 p. w/ endnotes, bibliography, index. A reinterpretation of a lost debate on modern dictatorship, using the writings of key German leftists from the late 1920s to the Cold War Era. Covers internal and external struggles., University of Illinois Press, 1999, 3, Washington DC: Society of Dissemination of Russian National and Patriotic Literature, 1981. Second printing [stated]. Wraps. Good. THIS WORK IS IN THE RUSSIAN LANGUAGE. 644 pages. Illustrations. Footnotes. Typed quotations (presumed) taped to the top of pave 5. Front cover has tear at top spine. Cover has some wear and soiling. This work is about the Reign of Tsar Nicholas II. The first printing was in 1949. There are 21 untitled chapters. The period covered is from 1894 until 1917. It discusses Court Life, the Russo-Japanese War, World War I, and the start of the Russian Revolution. Sergei Sergeiivich Oldenburg was born on 29 June 1888. His father Sergey Fedorovich Oldenburg (1863-1934), was a famed academician (1900), and Orientalist specializing in Buddhist studies. He served as permanent secretary of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (from 1904), Russian Academy of Sciences (from 1917), USSR Academy of Sciences (1925-1929), and Minister of Public Education (July - September 1917). He graduated from the law faculty of Moscow University, and later worked as an official in the Ministry of Finance of Russia. Sergei from a young age adhered to right-wing views, a member the Union of October 17. In 1918 Oldenburg went to the Crimea, where he joined the White movement. In the fall of 1920, he was unable to evacuate with the Russian Army, headed by General Baron P.N. Wrangel, because he was sick with typhoid . Having recovered, with fake documents, he traveled from Crimea to Petrograd, where he met his father, who helped him to emigrate. He settled in Paris, France, where he lived in poverty. Sergei Sergeiivich Oldenburg died at the age of 51, in Paris on 28 April 1940. Oldenburg was able to undertake such a study of Russia's last tsar, having had access to a unique collection of documents. These included copies of authentic historical acts of the Russian Empire held in the Russian Embassy in Paris on Rue Grenelle. Long before the First World War, duplicates of the originals had been made as a precautionary measure, and sent to the Russian Embassy in Paris for storage. In October 1917, the Provisional Government appointed Vasily Alekseyevich Maklakov (1869-1957), to replace Alexander Izvolsky as Russia's Ambassador to France. When he arrived in Paris, Maklakov learned about the takeover by the Bolsheviks. Regardless, he continued to occupy the splendid mansion of the Russian embassy for seven years, until France found it necessary to recognize the Bolshevik government. Fearing that the Embassy's archival documents would fall into the hands of the Bolsheviks, Makloakov packed them up, including Oldenburg's manuscript, the Okhrana archives, among other items and arranged for their transfer to the Stanford University. It was the Supreme Monarchist Council, a monarchist organization created by Russian émigrés in 1921, who commissioned Oldenburg to write a comprehensive history of the reign of Emperor Nicholas II. The first volume which appeared in Russian, was published in 1939 in Belgrade (Serbia), and the second was not published until a decade later, and posthumously in 1949 in Munich (Germany). "Oldenburg's work is a major document in modern Russian historiography. The final contribution of a Russian nationalist historian, it provides uniquely sensitive insights into the character, personality, and policies of Russia's last tsar. It has no rival as a political biography of Nicholas II and is without peer as a comprehensive history of his reign." His comprehensive study of Nicholas II is apologetic in nature. Oldenburg substantiates that the revolution interrupted the successful progressive economic development of Russia under Nicholas II: "in the twentieth year of the reign of Emperor Nicholas II, Russia had reached a unprecedented level of economic prosperity". Oldenburg's fundamental historical research on the life and reign of Emperor Nicholas II, is sadly overlooked or simply ignored by Western historians., Society of Dissemination of Russian National and Patriotic Literature, 1981, 2.5, New York, N.Y.: Harry N. Abrams, Inc, 1991. Presumed First Edition, First printing. Hardcover. Good. 423, [1] pages. Oversized book, measuring 12 inches by 9-1/2 inches. Small dings/damage at bottom edge of front cover and spine. Contributors to this book include Peter Guenther, Andreas Huneke, Annegret Janda, Mario-Andreas von Luttichau, Michael Meyer, William Moritz, George L. Mosse, and Chrisoph Zuschlag. Includes Foreword, Chronology, Register of Frequently Cited Names and Organizations, Exhibition Ephemera, Entartete Kunst: The Literature, Selected Bibliography, Acknowledgments, List of Lenders, and Index. This book was published in conjunction with the exhibition "Degenerative Art": The Fate of the Avant-Garde in Nazi Germany, which was organized by the Los Angels County Museum of Art. This is a key work in the field of what was termed 'Degenerate Art' ('Entartete Kunst') by the Nazis. Particularly valuable for its reconstruction of the 'Entartete Kunst' Exhibition held in Munich in 1937 on the basis of existing photographs and documentation, and the touring of versions to other major cities. This book examines the events surrounding the condemnation of modern art by the National Socialists. This book documents one of the most appalling moments in our century's cultural history, but it also reminders us that art and creativity will survive censorship and oppression. Degenerate Art also was the title of an exhibition, held by the Nazis in Munich in 1937, consisting of 650 modernist artworks chaotically hung and accompanied by text labels deriding the art. The National Socialists rejected and censured virtually everything that had existed on the German modern art scene. The book also includes a detailed description of the exhibit, explanations of how the exhibit design influenced the viewers, and short biographies of every artist included, as well as examples of their work, many of which were destroyed. Degenerate art was a term adopted in the 1920s by the Nazi Party in Germany to describe modern art. During the dictatorship of Adolf Hitler, German modernist art, including many works of internationally renowned artists, was removed from state-owned museums and banned in Nazi Germany on the grounds that such art was an "insult to German feeling", un-German, Jewish, or Communist in nature. Those identified as degenerate artists were subjected to sanctions that included being dismissed from teaching positions, being forbidden to exhibit or to sell their art, and in some cases being forbidden to produce art. The Nazis promoted paintings and sculptures that were traditional in manner and that exalted the "blood and soil" values of racial purity, militarism, and obedience. In 1937 the National Socialists staged the most virulent attack ever mounted against modern art with the opening on July 19 in Munich of the Entartete Kunst (Degenerate art) exhibition, in which were brought together more than 650 important paintings, sculptures, prints, and books that had until a few weeks earlier been in the possession of thirty-two German public museum collections. The works were assembled for the purpose of clarifying for the German public by defamation and derision exactly what type of modern art was unacceptable to the Reich, and thus "un-German." During the four months Entartete Kunst was on view in Munich it attracted more than two million visitors, over the next three years it traveled throughout Germany and Austria and was seen by nearly one million more. On most days twenty thousand visitors passed through the exhibition, which was free of charge; records state that on one Sunday August 2, 1937-thirty six thousand people saw it. The popularity of Entartete Kunst has never been matched by any other exhibition of modern art. According to newspaper accounts, five times as many people visited Entartete Kunst as saw the Grosse Deutsche Kunstaussiellung (Great German art exhibition), an equally large presentation of Nazi-approved art that had opened on the preceding day to inaugurate Munich's Haus der Deutschen Kunst (House of German art), the first official building erected by the National Socialists. The thoroughness of the National Socialists' politicization of aesthetic issues remains unparalleled in modern history, as does the remarkable set of circumstances that led to the complete revocation of Germany's previous identification of its cultural heroes, not only in the visual arts but also in literature, music, and film. The Entartete Kunst exhibition was only the tip of the iceberg: in 1937 more than sixteen thousand examples of modern art were confiscated as "degenerate" by a committee empowered by Joseph Goebbels, Adolf Hitler's second-in-command and since March of 1933 Reichsminister für Volksaufklarung und Propaganda (Reich minister for public enlightenment and propaganda). While some of the impounded art was earmarked for Entartete Kunst in Munich, hundreds of works were sold for hard currency to foreign buyers. Many of the "dregs," as Goebbels called them, were probably destroyed in a spectacular blaze in front of the central fire department in Berlin in 1939., Harry N. Abrams, Inc, 1991, 2.5, Hardback. New. A fascinating new account of eating naturally as an aspect of German biopolitics. Corinna Treitel explores the allure of vegetarianism, organic farming, and other such practices to a wide variety of Germans, from socialists, liberals, and radical anti-Semites in the nineteenth century to fascists, communists, and Greens in the twentieth century., 6, hardcover. Good. Access codes and supplements are not guaranteed with used items., 2.5, Hardback. New. The book investigates the rather neglected &quot;intellectual&quot; collaboration between National Socialist Germany and other countries, including views on knowledge and politics among &quot;pro-German&quot; intellectuals, using a comparative approach. These moves were shaped by the Nazi system, which viewed scientific and cultural exchange as part and parcel of their cultural propaganda and policy. Positive views of the Hitler regime among intellectuals of all sorts were indicative of a broader discontent with democracy that, among other things, represented an alternative approach to modernization which was not limited to the German heartlands. This book draws together international experts in an analysis of right-wing Europe under Hitler; a study which has gained new resonance amidst the wave of European nationalism in the twenty-first century., 6, Minor rubbing. A small rubberstamp to bottom page-edge. VG. Architectural History MIT Press Cambridge [MA] (1994) orig.cloth 23x17cm, xii,195 pp. "Constructivism is widely thought of as a Russian phenomenon, but as this comprehensive study of the architectural group ABC shows, it was an influential international movement. Established in 1924, the ABC group included Mart Stam of the Netherlands, El Lissitzky of the Soviet Union, and the Swiss architects Hans Schmidt, Hannes Meyer, Hans Wittwer, Paul Artaria, Emil Roth and Werner Moser, among others. It became the foremost constructivist network outside the Soviet Union, producing designs for buildings in Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands, Czechoslovakia, Mexico and the US. Some of these, like the Van Nelle factory and the Halle Airport Restaurant, have become significant landmarks of the modern movement. Ingberman brings to light an array of historical documentation, charting Lissitzky's particular alliance with ABC and tracing ABC's influences and developments - formal, material, constructional and ideological. She considers the Socialist and Communist interests of architects like Stam and Meyer, and charts the shift from the ambitious public projects in the earlier years of the movement (frequently ideological in motivation) to the more domestic scale of the middle to late 1930s. Also covered are: Meyer and Wittwer's groundbreaking constructivist designs; Stam, Schmidt, and Roth's development of serialized constructional forms; ABC's conceptualization of town planning..,." - Publisher's description., MIT Press, 3, Hardback. New. In 1984 and 1985, the swift succession in the USSR's leadership affected all levels of Soviet society. This eighth volume in a series of biennial reports on the Soviet Union analyzes domestic affairs, economics, and foreign policy in light of that succession. Power struggles within the highest echelons of the Soviet communist party are examined. Contributors evaluate prospects for the attempted economic modernization in a system that leaves little room for radical reform. Moscow's swings between extremes of self-isolation and readiness to talk raise questions about foreign and security policy during die transitional period. The contributors also identify perspectives, priorities, and trends for the future of Soviet politics, economics, and social developments. The Federal Institute for East European and International Studies in Cologne was established in 1961 as an academically autonomous research institution. It operates under the administrative and financial authority of Germany's Federal Ministry of the Interior., 6, Hardback. New. This book, first published in 1949, analyses the thread of Christian anti-authority thought that runs through protests and revolts from the first days of Christianity to modern times. It examines social protests of the Middle Ages, through to the Reformation and the Peasant War of Germany, the English Civil War, Christian Socialists and fascism and bolshevism. It presents a clear case for the role of Christianity in social unorthodoxies, protests and revolts., 6, München: Bayerland Verlag, 1934. Zweite, vollständig neu bearbeitete Ausgabe des Buches "Not und Aufbau der bayerischen Ostmark. Softcover. g to vg. Quarto. 104pp., 1 folding map. Original partly colored-illustrated photographic wraps protected by modern mylar. Early National Socialist photographic propaganda publication on the Bayerische Ostmark (later Gau Bayreuth). From 1933 to 1945 the area was an administrative division of Nazi Germany in Lower Bavaria and Upper Franconia. Profusely illustrated with b/w reproductions of photographs by Kurt Trampler, Max Nowak, Anton Pech, L. Urban, Georg Schrembs, Dora Reiter, Fritz Alter, and others. With b/w full-page maps as well as a partly colored fold-out map at rear. "Herausgegeben zur Erforschung des deutschen Volkstums im Süden und Südosten bei der Münchener Universität im Auftrag der Gauleitung Bayerische Ostmark der N.S.D.A.P." Text in German, gothic script. Light staining in lower right corner of front cover. Wraps with light wear along edges.Previous owner's name inked to title page. Block starting at page 32. Else in very good condition., Bayerland Verlag, 1934, 3, New York: Organisation for Jewish Colonisation in the U.S.S.R.), n/d. Softcover. g. Sm. quarto. 11,9-1pp. (Total of 20 pages). Original wraps. English and Hebrew title-page. "The first number of "New Life" will bring out more to the fore the work and objects of ICOS. This organisation is one of a body of similar organisations carrying on the same work in 22 countries. This work is to propagate in this country the complete reconstruction of the Jewish life in the U.S.S.R. What is actually the position of the Jewish masses in the U.S.S.R.? While in Germany, Poland and Ro(u)mania new waves of pogroms and persecution indicate the terrible plight of millions of Jews in Europe, we have in contrast to this in one part of the world which covers one-sixth of the world's surface, a completely different picture. There, in the Soviet Union, where a new social order is being built the Jews have achieved an economic and political freedom which the Jews in the most democratic capitalist country have never known. Within 10 years the whole mode of Jewish life in the U.S.S.R. has been completely reconstructed. From an isolated and persecuted caste of economic parasites they have been transformed into healthy productive workers on an equal footing with all other citizens in the Soviet Union. The five flourishing Jewish National Regions and the Jewish Autonomous Territory of Biro Bidjan show what the erstwhile "Luft Mensch" has accomplished under a government which stands for the complete freedom and self-determination of all its nationalities. The new Jewish life in the U.S.S.R. stands out as a beacon for those struggling and persecuted Jews in Fascist and semi-Fascist countries. This is the task which ICOS has set itself and which "New Life" will help considerably in carrying out - of showing more and more people the way the Jewish problem has been solved in the U.S.S.R. In a period like the present, when some of the bloodiest pages in Jewish history are being written, an organisation like ICOS, carrying on such important work, should have the support of every progressive Jew in this country." Principal contents include: Editorial. Plans for Jewish Autonomous Region for 1936 by I. Orlik. 18 Years of Jewish Life in the U.S.S.R. From the Jewish regions in the U.S.S.R. Letter from Biro Bidjan. A few facts about Biro Bidjan. Greetings: A. J. Cummings, Fenner, Brockway, and others. The Road Ahead by A. R. Beiter. News in Brief, Book Reviews, etc. Text in Hebrew and English. Front and rear wrapper detached but present. Heavily chipped at edges. Front wrapper brittle with three-inch closed tear. Wraps in poor, interior in very good condition. Scarce edition of the very first issue of "New Life," published by the Organisation (Association) for Jewish Colonisation in the U.S.S.R.). Fascinating pro-Soviet propaganda publication., Organisation for Jewish Colonisation in the U.S.S.R.), 2.5, Moscow: Gosfinizdat, 1939. First edition. Hardcover. vg. 8vo. 44pp. Original ivory paper wrappers with red lettering, rebound in modern gray three-quarter cloth over decorative green paper boards. "A report and a concluding word of the National Finance Comissar of USSR at the 3rd Session of the High Council of the USSR, 1st gathering, 25-29 May, 1939." Fascinating primary source documenting the official budget of USSR for the upcoming 1939 fiscal year. "The budget for 1939 is a powerful tool for answering the challenges set forth by our nation in the third Stalin Five-Year Plan... On the XVIII session of the Communist Party, Comrade Stalin with brilliant clarity and depth enlightened before us the achievements of our constructive socialist effort, and armed the party and the Soviet people with a grandiose plan for our further struggle towards a complete victory of Communism. Today in our nation socialism has essentially been achieved. We have eliminated the exploitating classes, and forever put an end to the exploitation of man by man... USSR has now essentially completed a technical reconstruction of agriculture. In our productive technique and speed of development we have surpassed the leading capitalist nations. Incredible conquests of socialism continue to fill the hearts of our workers, our communal farmers, and the Soviet intelligentsia with a fervent pride for their motherland and a boundless love for the Communist party, and our genius chief and friend of nations, the great Stalin (loud applause)." The budget delineates many interesting numbers, particularly in terms of defense spending. As the budget berates the "arms race" of the bourgeoise capitalist nations of Germany, England and US, it increases the budget of the Defense Commissariat by 17 billion rubles (almost a 200% increase, bringing official Soviet war spending to 1/3 of the entire state budget, in the year during which USSR signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop agreement, annexed eastern Poland, and declared war on Finland). Text in Russian. Slight bumping and scuffing to rebound boards. Library stamp on last page of interior. Boards in very good, original wrappers and interior in overall near fine condition., Gosfinizdat, 1939, 3, Stuttgart und Berlin: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1934. Sixth and Seventh Thousand. Hardcover. Near fine condition. Folio. 112 (3)pp. Original blue cloth with gilt lettering on cover, protected by modern mylar. Frontispiece photograph. Publisher's device on title page. Early publication after the turn from liberal arts to the so-called folk art in the early thirties in Germany. The book is an attempt to define art and their origins as viewed through the eyes of the national-socialist state. It is illustrated with 160 reproductions of German artwork, from primitive architecture to monasteries and castles, and contemporary buildings of all kinds, sculpture and visual arts, including three additional plates of artwork, the Bamberg Rider, the St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna, and an Albrecht Dürer painting, the volume offers chapters on urban planning, the meaning of blood, as well national-socialist interpretations of art and culture. Contains register and photo-credits at rear. Minor wear., Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1934, 4, New York, Macmillan, 1917. Cloth. 1st edition. Original green publisher's cloth. 8vo, pagination: iii-xiii, [1 blank], [2], 367, [1 blank], [6, advertisements]. Here Veblen considers the situations in Germany and England during the First World War and projects the economic consequences of plenty in peacetime, which he frames as the rise of the middle-class 'gentleman', based on a model of Victorian English, peacetime gentlemanliness. This envisages a class-based, competitive system, which cannot be indefinitely sustained since it is limited, while at the same time being supported, paradoxically, by 'pecuniary superstitions' such as the belief in property ownership. Veblen thus foreshadows the caustic pessimism of his Absentee ownership (1923), which saw a return to the oppressive systems of past eras. The Encyclopedia Britannica states that, with this work, "Veblen acquired an international following. He maintained that modern wars were caused mainly by the competitive demands of national business interests and that an enduring peace could be had only at the expense of "the rights of ownership, and of the price system in which these rights take effect." This is Michael Walzer's copy with his ownership signature, "M & J [Judy] Walzer July 1978 Hyannis." The Institute for Advanced Study, where Walzer is Emeritus, notes that "One of America's foremost political thinkers, Michael Walzer has written about a wide variety of topics in political theory and moral philosophy, including political obligation, just and unjust war, nationalism and ethnicity, economic justice, and the welfare state. He has played a critical role in the revival of a practical, issue-focused ethics and in the development of a pluralist approach to political and moral life. Walzer's books include Just and Unjust Wars (1977), Spheres of Justice (1983), On Toleration (1997), Arguing About War (2004), and The Paradox of Liberation (2015); he served as co-editor of the political journal Dissent for more than three decades, retiring in 2014. Currently, he is working on issues having to do with international justice and the connection of religion and politics, and also on a collaborative project focused on the history of Jewish political thought." Card pocket removed from rear pastedown, faint number at base of spine, some light foxing as expected. Good+ Condition, a nice association copy with a leading international thinker on war and peace (AC-6-8)., New York, Macmillan, 1917, 0, Hardback. New. This book unpacks the main narratives used in International Relations to depict and explain existing inter-state relations in Central Asia, with a focus on the construction of fairer International Relations along the Silk Road. The book points to the need to decolonize International Relations in the Central Asian region to present a fair representation of the regional states in international affairs. In doing so, the book exposes the concepts and stereotypes that have been imposed on Central Asian region by Western assumptions in contemporary International Relations. Offering empirical grounding for alternative views, the author suggests that Western International Relations makes the same mistakes in the Central Asian region that the Russian Marxists made when they attributed a narrative of modernity along the lines of the progress made in Germany and Russia. In such a structure, both Russian Marxist attempts and liberalist Western ideas disregard the fact the region has its own model of modernity and progress which does not necessarily involve an appeal to the modern nation state, ethnicity and state building. The book sheds lights on the prospects of coordinated development of Central Asia and Afghanistan. It also provides insights into the development of post-Socialist Asia in its relations with Russia, China, Japan and South Korea. Contributing to the task of placing Central Asia in discussions in the discipline of International Relations, this book will be of interest to academics working in the fields of International Relations and Asian Politics, in particular Central Asian Studies., 6, Hardback. New. The Rise of National Socialism in the Bavarian Highlands offers a microhistory of the town of Murnau between 1919 and 1933, a period which witnessed the rise of national socialism in Germany. National socialism had its roots in Bavaria, where the Weimar Republic found it difficult to secure popular support amongst the rural population. It was in this region that economic hardship and effective national socialist propaganda furthered the erosion of democracy. Focusing on Murnau, this book examines the political and economic state of the town, as well as the mentality and social composition of its inhabitants. It also looks at the development of tourism in the interwar period, a topic which has received little scholarly attention. Although the study limits itself to one town, the reactions of its inhabitants reflect a common attitude of nostalgia for a seemingly better past and a rejection of the 'excessive' demands of modernity that the Weimar Republic exacted on them. This book will appeal to scholars and students of national socialism, as well as those interested in the Weimer Republic, Nazi Germany, microhistory, and the history of tourism., 6, Hardback. New. The impact of the Cold War on German male identities can be seen in the nation's cinematic search for a masculine paradigm that rejected the fate-centered value system of its National- Socialist past while also recognizing that German males once again had become victims of fate and fatalism, but now within the value system of the Soviet and American hegemonies that determined the fate of Cold War Germany and Central Europe. This monograph is the first to demonstrate that this Cold War cinematic search sought out a meaningful masculine paradigm through film adaptations of late-Victorian and Edwardian male writers who likewise sought a means of self-determination within a hegemonic structure that often left few opportunities for personal agency. In contrast to the scholarly practice of exploring categories of modern masculinity such as Victorian imperialist manliness or German Cold-War male identity as distinct from each other, this monograph offers an important, comparative corrective that brings forward an extremely influential century-long trajectory of threatened masculinity. For German Cold-War masculinity, lessons were to be learned from history-namely, from late-Victorian and Edwardian models of manliness. Cold War Germans, like the Victorians before them, had to confront the unknowns of a new world without fear or hesitation. In a Cold-War mentality where nuclear technology and geographic distance had trumped face-to-face confrontation between East and West, Cold-War German masculinity sought alternatives to the insanity of mutual nuclear destruction by choosing not just to confront threats, but to resolve threats directly through personal agency and self-determination., 6, Hardback. New. In writing The Psychology of Politics, Hans Eysenck had two aims in mind: to write a book about modern developments in the field of attitude studies which would be intelligible to the layman; and one that would integrate into one consistent theoretical system a large number of contributions on the topic from different fields. Eysenck believes that science has something to say about such problems as anti-Semitism, the origin and growth of fascist and communist ideologies, the causal determinants of voting behavior, the structure of opinions and attitudes, and the relationship between politics and personality. He seeks to rescue these factual findings from the obscurity of technical journals and present them in a more accessible form. The research presented in this book outlines the main principles of organization and structure in the field of attitudes. These principles account in a remarkably complete and detailed manner for the systems of political organization found in Great Britain, that is, the Conservative, Liberal, and Socialist parties, and the communist and fascist groups. Next, Eysenck relates these principles to the system of personality structure which for many years formed the main focus of research activity at the Institute of Psychiatry in London. The Psychology of Politics integrates attitude research with modern learning theory. In his new introduction, Eysenck writes that his research and personal experiences in Germany led him to believe that authoritarianism could appear equally well on the left as on the right. He saw Stalin as equally authoritarian as Hitler, and communism as equally totalitarian as Nazism. The Psychology of Politics contains the evidence and arguments Eysenck used to demonstrate his approach. This volume is of enduring significance for psychologists, political theorists, and historians. It is by indirection a major statement in modern liberalism., 6, Hardback. New. Marxism was not the only Western idea to influence the course of Russian history. In the early decades of this century, psychoanalysis was one of the most important components of Russian intellectual life. Freud himself, writing in 1912, said that &quot;in Russia, there seems to be a veritable epidemic of psychoanalysis.&quot; But until Alexander Etkind's Eros of the Impossible, the hidden history of Russian involvement in psychoanalysis has gone largely unnoticed and untold. The early twentieth century was a time when the craving of Russian intellectuals for world culture found a natural outlet in extended sojourns in the West, linking some of the most creative Russian personalities of the day with the best universities, salons, and clinics of Germany, Austria, France, and Switzerland. These ambassadors of the Russian intelligentsia were also Freud's patients, students, and collaborators. They exerted a powerful influence on the formative phase of psychoanalysis throughout Europe, and they carried their ideas back to a receptive Russian culture teeming with new ideas and full of hopes of self-transformation. Fascinated by the potential of psychoanalysis to remake the human personality in the socialist mold, Trotsky and a handful of other Russian leaders sponsored an early form of Soviet psychiatry. But, as the Revolution began to ossify into Stalinism, the early promise of a uniquely Russian approach to psychoanalysis was cut short. An early attempt to merge medicine and politics forms final chapters of Etkind's tale, the telling of which has been made possible by the undoing of the Soviet system. The effervescent Russian contribution to modern psychoanalysis has gone unrecognized too long, but Eros of the Impossible restores this fascinating story to its rightful place in history., 6, Hardback. New. World War II was the largest and most devastating war in modern history with far-reaching consequences. The single most important campaign was the Soviet-German war, which consumed the lion share of Germany's military resources. In contrast to the tone in German and Anglo-American precampaign assessments, the USSR ws able to repulse the invasion after huge losses and turn the table on Germany and her minor Axis allies. This book examines how the two most important Western Allies in World War II, the United States and the United Kingdom, assessed the economic and military potential of the Soviet Union in 1939-1945. Since the USSR was the single most important military contributor to the Allied victory in Europe, and the main target of Germany's military strength, these assessments are of paramount importance in order to understand how the Anglo-Americans perceived the overall war situation and adjusted their own war effort in accordance with it. Utilising a wide range of documents produced by the Anglo-Americans during and shortly before World War II, this book explores why Soviet strength was underestimated, and how the Soviet economic system, Soviet society and military capabilities were viewed by Western Government observers. The Western Allies and Soviet Potential in World War II is a fascinating read for those in academia studying economic history, international economics and security studies, especially areas on military and strategic., 6, Hardback. New. The built environment of former socialist countries is often deemed uniform and drab, an apt reflection of a repressive regime. Building the State peeks behind the grey facade to reveal a colourful struggle over competing meanings of the nation, Europe, modernity and the past in a divided continent. Examining how social change is closely intertwined with transformations of the built environment, this volume focuses on the relationship between architecture and state politics in postwar Central Europe using examples from Hungary and Germany. Built around four case studies, the book traces how architecture was politically mobilized in the service of social change, first in socialist modernization programs and then in the postsocialist transition. Building the State does not only offer a comprehensive survey of the diverse political uses of architecture in postwar Central Europe but is the first book to explore how transformations of the built environment can offer a lens into broader processes of state formation and social change., 6, Hardback. New. By collectively concentrating on the theme of political symbolism in modern Europe, the con-tributors to this volume have cho-sen to honor a revered teacher and colleague by developing a set of variations on one of his primary scholarly concerns. The essays deal with familiar domains in the history of European culture: reli-gion, science, philosophy, theater, popular culture, and social ideologies. They attempt to focus on their individual subjects as studies of the ways in which the terms of cultural discourse have been shaped and elaborated by social position and the inherently political nature of such discourse. The essays also trace attempts to capture assent or compliance to particular world views which have had profound cultural and political consequences. Many es-says deal with the vocabularies of strategically located elites con-sciously or unconsciously shap-ing discourse to enhance their role in the Eruopean social hierar-chy. Others turn to the problem of the dynamics of symbolic recep-tion and reception by popular au-diences. A third group of thematic essays deals with case studies of world views dominated by politi-cal metaphors of group identityand differentiation which became dominant in Western Europe to-ward the end of the nineteenth century-class, nation, sex, age, and race. The essays in the volume deal with: George Mosse and political symbolism; the medical model of cultural crisis in fin de siecle France; cultural uses of &quot;fatigue&quot; in the nineteenth century; Mar-burg neo-Kantian thought and German popular culture; the Ostjude as a cultural symbol in German anti-Semitism; the func-tion of myth and symbol in Georges Sorel; feminism and eugenics in Edwardian England; Darwinism and the working class in Germany; science and religion in early modern Europe; popular theater and socialism in fin de siecle France; political symbolism in the paintings of the German war of liberation; generational discourse in pre-World War I France; and cultural implications of national-socialist religion., 6, Hardback. New. Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material, Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism, he attempts to show that Haeckel's &quot;scientific&quot; Darwinism, and his movement, the German Monist League, were proto-Nazi in character. Contrary to popular belief, Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction, Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany, but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general, Gasman claims, the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism. When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared, the Times Literary Supplement called it a &quot;very well-argued thesis... that is completely successful... and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons.&quot; Medical History, in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, said, &quot;His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany, where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance... with ghastly consequences.&quot; Bruce Chatwin, in the New York Review of Books, called the book &quot;brilliant.&quot; Now available in paperback, with a new introduction by the author, this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians, as well as those interested in twentieth-century Europe., 6<

2017, ISBN: 1138538450

[EAN: 9781138538450], Neubuch, [PU: Taylor & Francis Ltd, United Kingdom], Language: English. Brand new Book. Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch an… Mehr…

[EAN: 9781138538450], Neubuch, [PU: Taylor & Francis Ltd, United Kingdom], Language: English. Brand new Book. Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material, Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism, he attempts to show that Haeckel's "scientific" Darwinism, and his movement, the German Monist League, were proto-Nazi in character.Contrary to popular belief, Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction, Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany, but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general, Gasman claims, the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism.When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared, the Times Literary Supplement called it a "very well-argued thesis. that is completely successful. and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons." Medical History, in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, said, "His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany, where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance. with ghastly consequences." Bruce Chatwin, in the New York Review of Books, called the book "brilliant." Now available in paperback, with a new introduction by the author, this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians, as well as those interested in twentieth-century Europe., Books<

ISBN: 9781138538450

Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and… Mehr…

Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material, Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism, he attempts to show that Haeckel's scientific Darwinism, and his movement, the German Monist League, were proto-Nazi in character.Contrary to popular belief, Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction, Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany, but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general, Gasman claims, the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism.When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared, the Times Literary Supplement called it a very well-argued thesis... that is completely successful... and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons. Medical History, in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, said, His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany, where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance... with ghastly consequences. Bruce Chatwin, in the New York Review of Books, called the book brilliant. Now available in paperback, with a new introduction by the author, this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians, as well as those interested in twentieth-century Europe. Trade Books>Hardcover>World History>World Hist>World History, Taylor & Francis Core >2<

ISBN: 9781138538450

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Hardback. New. Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-cen… Mehr…

Hardback. New. Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material, Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism, he attempts to show that Haeckel's &quot;scientific&quot; Darwinism, and his movement, the German Monist League, were proto-Nazi in character. Contrary to popular belief, Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction, Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany, but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general, Gasman claims, the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism. When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared, the Times Literary Supplement called it a &quot;very well-argued thesis... that is completely successful... and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons.&quot; Medical History, in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, said, &quot;His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany, where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance... with ghastly consequences.&quot; Bruce Chatwin, in the New York Review of Books, called the book &quot;brilliant.&quot; Now available in paperback, with a new introduction by the author, this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians, as well as those interested in twentieth-century Europe., 6<

ISBN: 9781138538450

Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and… Mehr…

Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism he attempts to show that Haeckel's "scientific" Darwinism and his movement the German Monist League were proto-Nazi in character.Contrary to popular belief Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general Gasman claims the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism.When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared the Times Literary Supplement called it a "very well-argued thesis... that is completely successful... and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons." Medical History in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism said "His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance... with ghastly consequences." Bruce Chatwin in the New York Review of Books called the book "brilliant." Now available in paperback with a new introduction by the author this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians as well as those interested in twentieth-century Europe. Media > Books > Print Books new, Routledge<